Monday, January 27, 2025

Meeting Trump Sometime

FM Iwaya with Secretary Rubio
Foreign Minister Iwaya’s Effort to Arrange a Summit Meeting

 
By Takuya Nishimura, APP Senior Fellow, Former Editorial Writer for The Hokkaido Shimbun
The views expressed by the author are his own and are not associated with The Hokkaido Shimbun
You can find his blog, J Update here.
January 20, 2025. Special to Asia Policy Point

2/2/25 UPDATE: PM Ishiba will meet with President Trump on Friday, February 7, 2025.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Takeshi IWAYA  is in Washington, DC to attend the inauguration ceremony of the 47th President of the United States, Donald Trump. Iwaya met with the foreign policy staff of the incoming Trump administration, including Marco Rubio, the new Secretary of State. Japan hopes to maintain the Biden administration’s diplomatic framework of Indo-Pacific multilateral cooperation.
 
As soon as he arrived Washington, Iwaya met with Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong. Both ministers shared their belief that it is important for Japan and Australia to play a leading role in realizing a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific.” Iwaya also met with Indian Foreign Minister Dr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar (whose son heads an outpost of the Indian think tank, ORF, in Washington). Australia and India are the members of a quadrilateral security framework with Japan and the U.S., called the QUAD.
 
On his way to Washington, Iwaya stopped in three Asian countries for ministerial meetings—South Korea, the Philippines, and Palau. In the Republic of Korea, Iwaya and Korean Foreign Minister, Cho Tae-yul reconfirmed the importance of cooperation between both countries, as well as their trilateral relationship with the U.S. The meeting of the two ministers also commemorated the 60th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and South Korea.
 
While Iwaya’s visit came at a time of great political volatility in South Korea with President Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment, Iwaya observed in his press conference that Korea is working to stabilize its policymaking under the constitution and laws.
 
In Manila, Iwaya gave the Philippine Foreign Minister Japan’s support for maritime security. The support will come through Official Security Assistance (OSA), a new Japanese government program to bolster the security of developing countries in the Pacific. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba referred to the OSA in his visit to Malaysia and Indonesia earlier in January.
 
Iwaya also had a short conversation with Taiwanese Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung when they sat together at the inauguration ceremony for Palau’s President Surangel S. Whipps, Jr.
 
This series of diplomatic overtures to Asia-Pacific countries before Trump takes office signals Japan’s willingness to take the lead in formulating a cooperative security framework in the Indo-Pacific region. At his meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken earlier this month in Tokyo, Iwaya made a point of promoting cooperation among like-minded countries as seen in Japan-U.S.- ROK, Japan-U.S.-Philippines, and the QUAD.
 
Although their governments hold different views on the acquisition of U.S. Steel by Nippon Steel, Iwaya and Blinken reaffirmed the importance of Japan-U.S. economic relations. After issuing a presidential order to block the acquisition, the Biden administration extended the deadline for Nippon Steel to abandon the takeover by June 18th. “The United States-Japan alliance is deeper and stronger than any single, one economic transaction or business transaction,” said the departing U.S. Ambassador to Japan, Rahm Emanuel.

Having shored up diplomatic relationships with Japan’s key partners in the Indo-Pacific, Iwaya arrived in the U.S. with the mission to fix the date of a meeting between Ishiba and Trump. Although Ishiba tried to arrange a meeting with the President-elect as soon as Trump won the presidency in November, Trump did not grant the request. Indeed, Trump compounded the snub by meeting earlier with the wife of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Ishiba rival, Akie Abe, and the leader of the communication business Softbank, Masayoshi Son (Son and Iwaya have been close friends since they were high school students).
 
According to Nikkei, the government of Japan has been negotiating with the Trump team for a summit meeting in early February. The leaders are expected to discuss the security and economic issues between the two countries. Several media outlets predict that Trump will raise harder requests than the Biden administration did, including demands that Japan bear greater financial responsibility for its security costs and that it enter into a trade deal preferable to the U.S.
 
The Ishiba administration does not seem to have a deliberate strategy to deal with the “unpredictable” Trump 2.0. If Trump seeks to deal directly with Chinese leader Xi Jinping or North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, Japan will have to revise its long-held view that in facing China or North Korea it will be backed by the U.S. and other allies. Japan is trying to improve bilateral relations with China, but there is no predictable future
.

Sunday, January 12, 2025

Monday Asia Events January 13, 2025

A CONVERSATION WITH SECRETARY OF THE AIR FORCE FRANK KENDALL ON THE DEPARTMENT OF THE AIR FORCE IN 2050. 1/13
, 9:30-10:15am (EST), VIRTUAL. Sponsor: CSIS. Speaker: Hon. Frank Kendall, Secretary, US Air Force. 

WILL TRUMP ACTUALLY DEPORT MILLIONS? 1/13, 11:00am (EST), VIRTUAL. Sponsor: Foreign Policy. Speaker: Edward Alden, Columnist, Foreign Policy.

US-CHINA CLIMATE RELATIONS: INNOVATION, COMPETITION, AND GLOBAL IMPLICATIONS. 1/13, 11:30am-12:30pm (EST), HYBRID. Sponsor: Brookings. Speakers: Jeffrey Ball, Nonresident Senior Fellow - Foreign Policy, Energy Security and Climate Initiative; R. David Edelman, Nonresident Senior Fellow - Foreign Policy, John L. Thornton China Center; Samantha Gross, Fellow, Cross-Brookings Initiative on Energy and Climate, The Brookings Institution. 

VULTURE CAPITALISM. 1/13
, 6:30-8:00pm (BST), 1:30pm (EST), HYBRID. Sponsor: London School of Economics (LSE). Speakers: author Grace Blakeley (@graceblakeley) author, journalist, and political commentator; Michael Vaughan, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the International Inequalities Institute, LSE; David Madden (@davidjmadden), Associate Professor in Sociology at LSE and Co-Director of the Cities Programme. PURCHASE BOOK: https://amzn.to/4fRFxY2

INNOVATION AND IDENTITY: LEADERSHIP IN A TIME OF TRANSFORMATION: 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF KOREAN AMERICAN DAY. 1/13, 5:30-7:30PM (EST). IN PERSON ONLY. Sponsor: Korea Economic Institute. Speakers: Eun Yang, News4 Anchor, NBC4 Washington; Dave Gibbons, Founder and CEO, X Global Network of 3culture leaders; Jane Hyun, Global Leadership Strategist and CEO, Hyun and Associates. 

The Year of Snakes

Ishiba Embarks on a Year of Difficulty

By Takuya Nishimura, Senior Fellow, Former Editorial Writer for The Hokkaido Shimbun
The views expressed by the author are his own and are not associated with The Hokkaido Shimbun
You can find his blog, J Update here.
January 6, 2025. Special to Asia Policy Point


Having completed negotiations with the opposition parties over political and tax reform at the end of last year, Shigeru Ishiba’s Cabinet now faces new and serious tests in 2025. The first one will be passage of the annual budget bill, which must occur by the end of March. Failure to meet this deadline or mishandling of procedure in the Diet may affect the Upper House elections, which are going to be set for July 20. Whether the Ishiba Cabinet will survive long enough to celebrate its one-year-old birthday on October 1 is anyone’s guess.
 
Ishiba took a longer new-year recess than previous prime ministers have. The prime minister typically would begin a new year on January 4 by visiting the Ise Jungu Shrine and holding a press conference. Ishiba announced last month that he would visit Ise on January 6 and hold his first press conference that afternoon.
 
In the press conference on January 6, Ishiba said he hoped to build a “pleasant Japan.” According to his historiography, the government of Japan has built a “strong Japan,” and business sector has created a “prosperous Japan.” He proposed a new Japan where the people can live their lives with the hope of a better tomorrow. Quoting the policy of his political mentor, Kakuei Tanaka, he named his initiative the “Reiwa version of remodeling the Japanese archipelago.”
 
In 2025, Ishiba will focus on achieving a growth-oriented economy led by wage hikes and investments. He hopes to establish a sustainable social security system that will be available to every generation. To strengthen national responses to natural disasters, the Ishiba administration is promoting a new Disaster Prevention Agency, hopefully to be in operation in FY 2026.
 
North Korea launched a missile in the morning of the day. Ishiba recognizes that security in the Northeast Asia is not unrelated to the wars in Ukraine and Palestine. He regards the current situation as the most difficult in the post-war era. While the day for a meeting with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has not been fixed, Ishiba said that he would ask the U.S. President how the acquisition of U.S. Steel by Nippon Steel would affect U.S. security.
 
Implementation of Ishiba’s 2025 agenda is a function of the budget. The leading coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito does not have a simple majority in the House of Representatives to pass the budget bill. Following the loss of that simple majority in the general election of the Lower House last October, Ishiba tried to gain the support of the Democratic Party for the People (DPP).
 
The DPP, however, refused to guarantee support for the FY 2025 budget. This was in response to the LDP’s failure to support DPP’s proposal to raise the income tax threshold to 1.78 million yen of a household’s annual income.
 
Fortunately for Ishiba, the Japan Innovation Party (Nippon Ishin-no Kai) has offered a helping hand. Its co-leader, Seiji Maehara, has indicated that Ishin might vote yes on the FY 2025 budget – provided that the LDP-Komeito embraces Ishin’s policy of free education. The LDP and Komeito have launched a discussion with Ishin on free education, as they had with the DPP on tax reform.
 
Since he is not optimistic that he can assemble a majority to back the budget bill, Ishiba has not ruled out a grand coalition that would invite the opposition parties, including the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), to his cabinet. In a radio broadcast on January 1, Ishiba raised the possibility of a grand coalition. “It is possible as one of the options we have,” Ishiba said about including members of opposition parties.
 
To Ishiba’s regret, the leaders of the main opposition parties have so far resisted the idea of a grand coalition. The head of the CDPJ, Yoshihiko Noda, observed that a grand coalition would be an option only in an extreme emergency such as a great earthquake or a pandemic. The leaders of DPP and Ishin also emphasized that they would position themselves as opposition parties in their continuing policy talks with the LDP and Komeito. Ishiba had to tone his words down in his new year press conference that he would not go for the grand coalition immediately.
 
One of the options for a prime minister in a time of political difficulty is to call a snap election. Ishiba mentioned the idea of dissolving the House of Representatives last month. “It is reasonable for a prime minister to ask the voters a decision when a budget bill or other important bills are refused in the Diet,” Ishiba said in late December.
 
“Important bills” apparently include a no-confidence resolution against the prime minister. “If the House of Representatives passes a non-confidence resolution, or rejects a confidence resolution, the Cabinet shall resign en masse, unless the House of Representatives is dissolved within ten days,” according to Article 69 of the Constitution of Japan.
 
Competing language in Article 7 recognizes that the Emperor may act in matters of state and that, if he proposes to do so, the Cabinet must give its advice and approval. Possible actions for the Emperor include dissolution of the House of Representatives. Ishiba has not been in favor of a dissolution based on Article 7, recognizing it as an arbitrary action. However, Ishiba has indicated that he might invoke Article 7 in a deadlock over the budget bill.
 
Ishiba’s reference to a snap election has been interpreted as a willingness to hold a double election of the two Houses. The election of the Upper House is already scheduled for July 20. Ishiba could call for the Lower House election on the same day. He has, however, dismissed that possibility. If Ishiba were to go forward unilaterally on the double election, it is likely that, given continuing low approval ratings for Ishiba, members in the LDP would begin to take action to replace him.
 
Even if the July 20 election is for the Upper House alone, the election will be a serious test for Ishiba. If Ishiba cannot garner support for the annual budget bill or if he fails to resolve the debate over the prohibition of political donations by companies or organizations, the approval ratings for the Cabinet will inevitably decline. This will directly affect the results of the Upper House election.
 
If the leading coalition loses seats and its simple majority in the Upper House – as has already occurred in the Lower House – the Ishiba Cabinet will find itself in serious trouble. Ishiba may face a choice between forming a new coalition with other parties or stepping down. Without a majority in either house, Ishiba will have an extremely challenging task in working with the opposition parties on any matter of policy. For the opposition parties then, it will be critical to unite to defeat the LDP in the Upper House election.
 
This August will mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. The prime minister of Japan will issue a statement commemorating the anniversary. The historic 50th anniversary statement by Tomiichi Murayama expressed “deep remorse” and “heartfelt apology.” For the 75th anniversary, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stripped these words from the annual statement. Nobody knows so far who will issue the statement this year or what will be its intent.